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(单词翻译:双击或拖选)
My good friend and great Republican, Dick Nixon, and your charming wife, Pat; my running mate, that wonderful Republican who has served us so well for so long, Bill Miller1 and his wife, Stephanie; to Thurston Morton who's done such a commendable2 job in chairmaning this Convention; to Mr. Herbert Hoover, who I hope is watching; and to that -- that great American and his wife, General and Mrs. Eisenhower; to my own wife, my family, and to all of my fellow Republicans here assembled, and Americans across this great Nation.
From this moment, united and determined4, we will go forward together, dedicated5 to the ultimate and undeniable greatness of the whole man. Together -- Together we will win.
I accept your nomination6 with a deep sense of humility7. I accept, too, the responsibility that goes with it, and I seek your continued help and your continued guidance. My fellow Republicans, our cause is too great for any man to feel worthy8 of it. Our task would be too great for any man, did he not have with him the hearts and the hands of this great Republican Party, and I promise you tonight that every fiber9 of my being is consecrated10 to our cause; that nothing shall be lacking from the struggle that can be brought to it by enthusiasm, by devotion, and plain hard work.
In this world no person, no Party can guarantee anything, but what we can do and what we shall do is to deserve victory, and victory will be ours.
The good Lord raised this mighty11 Republic to be a home for the brave and to flourish as the land of the free -- not to stagnate12 in the swampland of collectivism, not to cringe before the bullying13 of communism.
Now, my fellow Americans, the tide has been running against freedom. Our people have followed false prophets. We must, and we shall, return to proven ways -- not because they are old, but because they are true. We must, and we shall, set the tides running again in the cause of freedom. And this party, with its every action, every word, every breath, and every heartbeat, has but a single resolve, and that is freedom -- freedom made orderly for this Nation by our constitutional government; freedom under a government limited by the laws of nature and of nature's God; freedom balanced so that order lacking liberty [sic] will not become the slavery of the prison shell [cell]; balanced so that liberty lacking order will not become the license14 of the mob and of the jungle.
Now, we Americans understand freedom. We have earned it; we have lived for it, and we have died for it. This Nation and its people are freedom's model in a searching world. We can be freedom's missionaries15 in a doubting world. But, ladies and gentlemen, first we must renew freedom's mission in our own hearts and in our own homes.
During four futile16 years, the administration which we shall replace has -- has distorted and lost that vision. It has talked and talked and talked and talked the words of freedom, but it has failed and failed and failed in the works of freedom.
Now, failures cements the wall of shame in Berlin. Failures blot17 the sands of shame at the Bay of Pigs. Failures mark the slow death of freedom in Laos. Failures infest18 the jungles of Vietnam. And failures haunt the houses of our once great alliances and undermine the greatest bulwark19 ever erected20 by free nations -- the NATO community. Failures proclaim lost leadership, obscure purpose, weakening will, and the risk of inciting22 our sworn enemies to new aggressions and to new excesses.
And because of this administration we are tonight a world divided; we are a Nation becalmed. We have lost the brisk pace of diversity and the genius of individual creativity. We are plodding24 along at a pace set by centralized planning, red tape, rules without responsibility, and regimentation25 without recourse.
Rather than useful jobs in our country, our people have been offered bureaucratic26 "make work"; rather than moral leadership, they have been given bread and circuses. They have been given spectacles, and, yes, they've even been given scandals.
Tonight, there is violence in our streets, corruption28 in our highest offices, aimlessness amongst our youth, anxiety among our elders, and there's a virtual despair among the many who look beyond material success for the inner meaning of their lives. And where examples of morality should be set, the opposite is seen. Small men, seeking great wealth or power, have too often and too long turned even the highest levels of public service into mere30 personal opportunity.
Now, certainly, simple honesty is not too much to demand of men in government. We find it in most. Republicans demand it from everyone. They demand it from everyone no matter how exalted31 or protected his position might be. Now the -- the growing menace in our country tonight, to personal safety, to life, to limb and property, in homes, in churches, on the playgrounds, and places of business, particularly in our great cities, is the mounting concern, or should be, of every thoughtful citizen in the United States.
Security from domestic violence, no less than from foreign aggression23, is the most elementary and fundamental purpose of any government, and a government that cannot fulfill32 this purpose is one that cannot long command the loyalty33 of its citizens.
History shows us -- it demonstrates that nothing, nothing prepares the way for tyranny more than the failure of public officials to keep the streets safe from bullies34 and marauders.
Now, we Republicans see all this as more, much more, than the result of mere political differences or mere political mistakes. We see this as the result of a fundamentally and absolutely wrong view of man, his nature, and his destiny. Those who seek to live your lives for you, to take your liberties in return for relieving you of yours, those who elevate the state and downgrade the citizen must see ultimately a world in which earthly power can be substituted for Divine Will, and this Nation was founded upon the rejection35 of that notion and upon the acceptance of God as the author of freedom.
Now those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth. They -- and let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyrannies. Absolute power does corrupt27, and those who seek it must be suspect and must be opposed. Their mistaken course stems from false notions, ladies and gentlemen, of equality. Equality, rightly understood, as our founding fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation36 of creative differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically37 in our time, it leads first to conformity38 and then to despotism.
Fellow Republicans, it is the cause of Republicanism to resist concentrations of power, private or public, which -- which enforce such conformity and inflict39 such despotism. It is the cause of Republicanism to ensure that power remains40 in the hands of the people. And, so help us God, that is exactly what a Republican President will do with the help of a Republican Congress.
It is further the cause of Republicanism to restore a clear understanding of the tyranny of man over man in the world at large. It is our cause to dispel41 the foggy thinking which avoids hard decisions in the delusion42 that a world of conflict will somehow mysteriously resolve itself into a world of harmony, if we just don't rock the boat or irritate the forces of aggression -- and this is hogwash.
It is further the cause of Republicanism to remind ourselves, and the world, that only the strong can remain free, that only the strong can keep the peace.
Now, I needn't remind you, or my fellow Americans regardless of party, that Republicans have shouldered this hard responsibility and marched in this cause before. It was Republican leadership under Dwight Eisenhower that kept the peace, and passed along to this administration the mightiest43 arsenal44 for defense45 the world has ever known. And I needn't remind you that it was the strength and the [un]believable will of the Eisenhower years that kept the peace by using our strength, by using it in the Formosa Straits and in Lebanon and by showing it courageously46 at all times.
It was during those Republican years that the thrust of Communist imperialism47 was blunted. It was during those years of Republican leadership that this world moved closer, not to war, but closer to peace, than at any other time in the last three decades.
And I needn't remind you -- but I will -- that it's been during Democratic years that our strength to deter3 war has stood still, and even gone into a planned decline. It has been during Democratic years that we have weakly stumbled into conflict, timidly refusing to draw our own lines against aggression, deceitfully refusing to tell even our people of our full participation48, and tragically, letting our finest men die on battlefields, unmarked by purpose, unmarked by pride or the prospect49 of victory.
Yesterday, it was Korea. Tonight, it is Vietnam. Make no bones of this. Don't try to sweep this under the rug. We are at war in Vietnam. And yet the President, who is the Commander-in-Chief of our forces, refuses to say -- refuses to say, mind you, whether or not the objective over there is victory. And his Secretary of Defense continues to mislead and misinform the American people, and enough of it has gone by.
And I needn't remind you -- but I will -- it has been during Democratic years that a billion persons were cast into Communist captivity50 and their fate cynically51 sealed.
Today -- Today in our beloved country we have an administration which seems eager to deal with communism in every coin known -- from gold to wheat, from consulates52 to confidences, and even human freedom itself.
Now the Republican cause demands that we brand communism as the principal disturber of peace in the world today. Indeed, we should brand it as the only significant disturber of the peace, and we must make clear that until its goals of conquest are absolutely renounced53 and its relations with all nations tempered, communism and the governments it now controls are enemies of every man on earth who is or wants to be free.
Now, we here in America can keep the peace only if we remain vigilant54 and only if we remain strong. Only if we keep our eyes open and keep our guard up can we prevent war. And I want to make this abundantly clear: I don't intend to let peace or freedom be torn from our grasp because of lack of strength or lack of will -- and that I promise you, Americans.
I believe that we must look beyond the defense of freedom today to its extension tomorrow. I believe that the communism which boasts it will bury us will, instead, give way to the forces of freedom. And I can see in the distant and yet recognizable future the outlines of a world worthy of our dedication55, our every risk, our every effort, our every sacrifice along the way. Yes, a world that will redeem56 the suffering of those who will be liberated57 from tyranny. I can see -- and I suggest that all thoughtful men must contemplate58 -- the flowering of an Atlantic civilization, the whole of Europe reunified and freed, trading openly across its borders, communicating openly across the world.
Now, this is a goal far, far more meaningful than a moon shot.
It's a -- It's a truly inspiring goal for all free men to set for themselves during the latter half of the twentieth century.
I can also see -- and all free men must thrill to -- the events of this Atlantic civilization joined by its great ocean highway to the United States. What a destiny! What a destiny can be ours to stand as a great central pillar linking Europe, the Americas, and the venerable and vital peoples and cultures of the Pacific. I can see a day when all the Americas, North and South, will be linked in a mighty system, a system in which the errors and misunderstandings of the past will be submerged one by one in a rising tide of prosperity and interdependence. We know that the misunderstandings of centuries are not to be wiped away in a day or wiped away in an hour. But we pledge, we pledge that human sympathy -- what our neighbors to the South call an attitude of "simpatico" -- no less than enlightened self'-interest will be our guide.
And I can see this Atlantic civilization galvanizing and guiding emergent nations everywhere.
Now I know this freedom is not the fruit of every soil. I know that our own freedom was achieved through centuries, by unremitting efforts of brave and wise men. And I know that the road to freedom is a long and a challenging road. And I know also that some men may walk away from it, that some men resist challenge, accepting the false security of governmental paternalism.
And I -- And I pledge that the America I envision in the years ahead will extend its hand in health, in teaching and in cultivation59, so that all new nations will be at least encouraged -- encouraged! -- to go our way, so that they will not wander down the dark alleys60 of tyranny or the dead-end streets of collectivism.
My fellow Republicans, we do no man a service by hiding freedom's light under a bushel of mistaken humility.
I seek an America proud of its past, proud of its ways, proud of its dreams, and determined actively61 to proclaim them. But our example to the world must, like charity, begin at home.
In our vision of a good and decent future, free and peaceful, there must be room, room for deliberation of the energy and the talent of the individual; otherwise our vision is blind at the outset.
We must assure a society here which, while never abandoning the needy62 or forsaking63 the helpless, nurtures64 incentives65 and opportunities for the creative and the productive. We must know the whole good is the product of many single contributions.
And I cherish a day when our children once again will restore as heroes the sort of men and women who, unafraid and undaunted, pursue the truth, strive to cure disease, subdue66 and make fruitful our natural environment and produce the inventive engines of production, science, and technology.
This Nation, whose creative people have enhanced this entire span of history, should again thrive upon the greatness of all those things which we, we as individual citizens, can and should do. And during Republican years, this again will be a nation of men and women, of families proud of their role, jealous of their responsibilities, unlimited67 in their aspirations68 -- a Nation where all who can will be self-reliant.
We Republicans see in our constitutional form of government the great framework which assures the orderly but dynamic fulfillment of the whole man, and we see the whole man as the great reason for instituting orderly government in the first place.
We see -- We see in private property and in economy based upon and fostering private property, the one way to make government a durable69 ally of the whole man, rather than his determined enemy. We see in the sanctity of private property the only durable foundation for constitutional government in a free society. And -- And beyond that, we see, in cherished diversity of ways, diversity of thoughts, of motives70 and accomplishments71. We don't seek to lead anyone's life for him. We only seek -- only seek to secure his rights, guarantee him opportunity -- guarantee him opportunity to strive, with government performing only those needed and constitutionally sanctioned tasks which cannot otherwise be performed.
We Republicans seek a government that attends to its inherent responsibilities of maintaining a stable monetary72 and fiscal73 climate, encouraging a free and a competitive economy and enforcing law and order. Thus, do we seek inventiveness, diversity, and creative difference within a stable order, for we Republicans define government's role where needed at many, many levels -- preferably, though, the one closest to the people involved.
Our towns and our cities, then our counties, then our states, then our regional compacts -- and only then, the national government. That, let me remind you, is the ladder of liberty, built by decentralized power. On it also we must have balance between the branches of government at every level.
Balance, diversity, creative difference: These are the elements of the Republican equation. Republicans agree -- Republicans agree heartily74 to disagree on many, many of their applications, but we have never disagreed on the basic fundamental issues of why you and I are Republicans.
This is a Party. This Republican Party is a Party for free men, not for blind followers75, and not for conformists.
In fact, in 1858 Abraham Lincoln said this of the Republican party -- and I quote him, because he probably could have said it during the last week or so: "It was composed of strange, discordant76, and even hostile elements" -- end of the quote -- in 1858. Yet -- Yet all of these elements agreed on one paramount77 objective: To arrest the progress of slavery, and place it in the course of ultimate extinction78.
Today, as then, but more urgently and more broadly than then, the task of preserving and enlarging freedom at home and of safeguarding it from the forces of tyranny abroad is great enough to challenge all our resources and to require all our strength.
Anyone who joins us in all sincerity79, we welcome. Those who do not care for our cause, we don't expect to enter our ranks in any case. And -- And let our Republicanism, so focused and so dedicated, not be made fuzzy and futile by unthinking and stupid labels.
I would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice29.
(Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.)
And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue80.
Why the beauty of the very system we Republicans are pledged to restore and revitalize, the beauty of this Federal system of ours is in its reconciliation81 of diversity with unity21. We must not see malice82 in honest differences of opinion, and no matter how great, so long as they are not inconsistent with the pledges we have given to each other in and through our Constitution.
Our Republican cause is not to level out the world or make its people conform in computer regimented sameness. Our Republican cause is to free our people and light the way for liberty throughout the world.
Ours is a very human cause for very humane83 goals.
This Party, its good people, and its unquenchable devotion to freedom, will not fulfill the purposes of this campaign, which we launch here and now, until our cause has won the day, inspired the world, and shown the way to a tomorrow worthy of all our yesteryears.
I repeat, I accept your nomination with humbleness84, with pride, and you and I are going to fight for the goodness of our land.
Thank you.
收听单词发音 |
1
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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fiber
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| n.纤维，纤维质 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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stagnate
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| v.停止 | |
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bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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infest
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| v.大批出没于；侵扰；寄生于 | |
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bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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plodding
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| a.proceeding in a slow or dull way | |
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regimentation
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| n.编组团队；系统化，组织化 | |
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bureaucratic
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| adj.官僚的，繁文缛节的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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fulfill
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| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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bullies
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| n.欺凌弱小者, 开球 vt.恐吓, 威胁, 欺负 | |
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rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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tragically
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| adv. 悲剧地，悲惨地 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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mightiest
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| adj.趾高气扬( mighty的最高级 )；巨大的；强有力的；浩瀚的 | |
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arsenal
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| n.兵工厂，军械库 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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courageously
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| ad.勇敢地，无畏地 | |
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imperialism
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| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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cynically
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| adv.爱嘲笑地，冷笑地 | |
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consulates
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| n.领事馆( consulate的名词复数 ) | |
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renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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alleys
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| 胡同，小巷( alley的名词复数 )； 小径 | |
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actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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forsaking
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| 放弃( forsake的现在分词 )； 弃绝； 抛弃； 摒弃 | |
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nurtures
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| 教养，培育( nurture的名词复数 ) | |
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incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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68
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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69
durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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70
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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71
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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72
monetary
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| adj.货币的，钱的；通货的；金融的；财政的 | |
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73
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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74
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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75
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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76
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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77
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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78
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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79
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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80
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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81
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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82
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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83
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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84
humbleness
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| n.谦卑，谦逊；恭顺 | |
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