希特勒轶著(Hitler's secret book)（在线收听）

Mein Kampf is the one book title by which Adolf Hitler is known. But he wrote a second book, one that was never published...

阿道夫.希特勒的《我的奋斗》已是广为人知。但你知道吗？他还有一本从未公开出版过的书……

After January 1933, Adolf Hitler wrote little: apart from a few brief memoranda〔备忘录、便签〕 dealing with specific issues, the Four Year Plan memorandum of 1936 and his political testament〔遗嘱〕 of 1945 were the only substantial statements. Before 1933, by contrast, he was a prolific〔多产的〕 author. There were numerous articles for the Nazi party newspaper, the V?lkischer Beobachter, the two volumes of Mein Kampf, as well as the so-called Second Book. This work was never published in Hitler’s lifetime; its manuscript was discovered after the war in the captured German archives〔档案、公文〕 by Gerhard L. Weinberg, and published in Germany in 1961. An English edition appeared in the same year in a poor translation and inadequately〔不适当地〕 edited under the title Hitler’s Secret Book. The present volume is a new and excellent translation by Krista Smith, thoroughly edited by Professor Weinberg.

1933年1月以后，希特勒著作甚少，除了1936年的四年工作计划备忘录以及1945年的政治遗嘱外，其他的只是关于一些特殊问题的处理的便签。相较而言，1933年之前，他算是一名多产的作者。他在纳粹党的报纸上发表了很多文章，包括“V?lkischer Beobachter”，两卷本的《我的奋斗》，还有所谓的“Second Book”。其中，“Second Book”一书在希特勒的有生之年一直未发表，此书的原稿由Gerhard L. Weinberg在战后所缴获的纳粹党档案中找到，并于1961年在德国出版。同年，此书的一本名为“希特勒轶著”的英译本也出现了，该译本言辞晦涩，版本也很差。

The book raises three questions: Why did Hitler write it? What, if anything, does it reveal〔揭示〕 about him and his future actions? Why did he not publish it? The answer to the first question lies in the date of its composition. Weinberg has succeeded in dating the manuscript incontrovertibly〔无疑地〕 to late June and early July 1928. In May, the Nazis had fought a general election in which, despite a few local successes, it had won only 2.8 percent of the vote. During the last days of the campaign, the Party’s opponents had exploited the issue of South Tyrol〔蒂罗尔〕, which had been exciting the German public during the first months of 1928 and on which the Nazis took an unpopular line.

本书提出了三个问题：希特勒为什么要写“Second Book”一书？关于他本人及他后来的行为，该书有无透露给我们什么？他为什么没有公开发表此书呢？第一个问题的答案取决于他写此书的时期。Weinberg已成功推断出该原稿完成于1928年6月末到7月初，这是毫无疑义的。1928年5月，纳粹党人参加了一场大选。此次大选，他们虽然取得了一些局部的成功，但最终只赢得了2.8％的选票。因为在选举的后期，他们的对手挖出了当年头几个月备受德国公众瞩目的“南蒂罗尔”问题，而不幸的是，纳粹党人在这个问题上大失民心。

South Tyrol had been awarded to Italy under the Treaty〔条约〕 of St-Germain in 1919 and in February 1928 the Mussolini Government had introduced the Italian language into religious education in the province, thereby prompting a war of words with Austria, and also arousing the German press and public opinion. Ever since 1922, Hitler had consistently expressed the view in public that South Tyrol should, if necessary, be sacrificed in the interests of the more pressing〔紧迫的〕 need of gaining Italy as an ally against France. He was fully aware of the unpopularity of this view across the political spectrum. However, significantly, he was not prepared to compromise for electoral purposes on an issue he regarded as central to his whole foreign policy, despite the fact that, at that stage, there was no realistic prospect of his ever having to conduct a foreign policy.

1919年的“St-Germain”条约将南蒂罗尔地区划给了意大利，1928年，墨索里尼政府要求该省的宗教教学使用意大利语，这导致了奥地利国内的“文字战争”，也引起了德国公众、新闻界、出版界的注意。早在1922年，希特勒就一直向公众表达他的观点：为了对抗法国，德国紧迫地需要意大利作为盟国，如果必须的话，牺牲南蒂罗尔地区是值得的。他完全明了这一观点在政界是不会得到支持的。但值得注意的是，他并不准备为了赢得选举而在这一问题上妥协，尤其这一问题是他整个外交政策的核心，虽然当时他主持外交政策的前景渺茫，甚至可以说毫无希望。

Nevertheless[不过], he was clearly【无疑地】 intensely frustrated by the fact that his stance〔姿态〕 alienated potential nationalist supporters on the Right, while enabling opponents on the Left to parade【炫耀】 themselves as patriots defending the ethnic Germans of South Tyrol and to accuse him and his Party of betraying them. Indeed, during the election he was even accused by Socialists of receiving money from Mussolini, a charge that he successfully contested in the courts. His frustration emerges in the Second Book in his attacks on the “nationalist bourgeoisie〔资产阶级〕” and the hypocrisy〔伪善〕 of the Left. In 1926 Hitler had already published the chapter in Mein Kampf dealing with alliance policy under the title “The South Tyrolean〔蒂罗尔区的〕 Question and the German Alliance Problem”. However, the events of early 1928 clearly persuaded him of the need to publish a more substantial defence of his position.

然而，他无疑受到极大的挫败。一方面，他的论调、他的姿态 使右派中那些可能支持他的民族主义者们疏远了；另一方面，他的对手――左派，此时更以南蒂罗尔地区德国种族的保卫者自居，并大肆炫耀他们的爱国主义，不仅如此，他们还指控希特勒及他的政党背叛了南蒂罗尔人。事实上，在1928年的选举中，他甚至被社会党人指控收受墨索里尼贿赂，当然这项指控在法庭上被希特勒成功驳回。在“Second Book”一书中，他批评了“民族主义资产阶级”，讽刺了左派的伪善，这些都显示出他当时的挫败感。1926年，他在已出版的“Mein Kampf”一书中就以一章专门论述了德国的同盟政策问题，标题为“南蒂罗尔地区及德国同盟问题”。但是，1928年初的事件无疑劝他公开发表更有分量的文字来为他的立场辩护，

The Second Book is essentially【本质上】 an elaboration〔详尽的细节〕 of the foreign policy ideas outlined【略述】 in Chapter Four of Volume One and Chapters Thirteen and Fourteen of Volume Two of Mein Kampf, with a particular focus on South Tyrol. Beginning with a restatement〔重申〕 of the principles【原则】 of Hitler’s world view, it contains a comprehensive【全面的、广泛的】 critique〔批评〕of, and alternative to, the foreign policies pursued【从事】 by Germany since 1890. Its value lies partly in demonstrating the consistency with which Hitler stuck to his basic ideological〔意识形态的〕 precepts〔规则〕. However, in the course of his exposition【说明】 Hitler introduces significant new arguments, notably【显著地】 in relation to the United States, Europe, and, above all, the most crucial〔至关紧要〕 area of his foreign policy, relations with Britain, arguments which he had been developing in speeches and articles during 1926-8.

“Second Book”一书实际上是对他的外交政策思想的阐述，而这些观点早在《我的奋斗》一书的第一卷第四章及第二卷的第十三、十四中略有论及，其焦点均在南蒂罗尔问题上。在此书的开头，希特勒重申了他的世界观原则，在书中，他对德国自从1890年开始所采取的外交政策做了全方位的批评。一定程度上，该书的价值在于它论证了希特勒所坚持的基本意识形态的原则的一致性。但是在进行说明的过程中，他又引入了重要的论点，考虑到美国、欧洲，最重要的是外交政策方面，与英国的关系。关于这一点，在1926－1928年间，他发表了大量的演说和论文

Hitler worked on【继续工作、设法说服、影响】 the premiss【前提】 provided by the geographer, Friedrich Ratzel (1844-1904), and developed by the geopolitician【地缘政治家】, Karl Haus-hofer, that nations need “living space” (Lebensraum) if they are not to decline, a notion that had become part of the pre-1914 Pan German agenda, and also on the assumption that France represented an irreconcilable opponent of German expansion. In Mein Kampf he had argued that, before 1914, Germany was confronted by two alternatives: either a policy of world trade, colonies and a large fleet or, and this was Hitler’s preferred option, the acquisition of territory in Europe at the expense of Russia. To pursue either of these strategies Germany required allies. The first alternative inevitably involved confrontation with Britain, and so necessitated an alliance with Russia and hence the abandonment of Germany’s existing alliance with Austria; the second required an alliance with Britain. “No sacrifice”, Hitler claimed, “should have been too great for winning England’s willingness. We should have renounced colonies and sea power and spared English industry our competition.” In practice, Germany followed the first strategy without abandoning the alliance with Austria and so fell between all the stools, alienating Russia and Italy as well as Britain, while France remained an enemy in any event.

由地理学家Friedrich Ratzel (1844-1904)提出并由地缘政治学家Karl Haus-hofer进一步发展的“生存空间”学说以及认为法国是德国在扩张进程中不可协调的对手的这一观点，构成了希特勒行动的基础。“生存空间”学说认为，一个国家、民族若要繁荣昌盛，就需要向外扩充版图，这个观点早在1914年以前就成为泛德议程的一部分。在《我的奋斗》一书中，他认为，1914年以前，德国面临两个抉择：第一，进行世界贸易、殖民，并建立一支强大的海上舰队；第二，以牺牲与俄国的友好关系为代价，大力扩张在欧洲的版图，这也是希特勒所倾向的选择。要实施这两个策略中的任何一个，德国都需要盟国。若选择第一个，德国将不可避免地面对英国，因而与俄国结盟成为必需，并将不得不放弃与奥地利的同盟关系。若选择第二条路，则将与英国结盟。对此，希特勒宣称，“为了赢得英国的‘芳心’，我们在所不惜，我们早就应该放弃殖民地和海军，通过我们的竞争进入英国的工业界。”事实上，德国走的是第一条路，但却未与奥地利断绝关系因此，他陷入了一种两边不讨好的境地，既疏远了俄国、意大利和英国，有丝毫未改善与法国的关系——法国仍是它的敌人。

In Mein Kampf Hitler described Germany’s post-1918 diplomatic/strategic situation as in many respects similar to that of pre-1914: France remained the irreconcilable opponent, Russia the preferred “living space”, and Italy and Britain the desirable allies. Moreover, his strategy appeared even more appropriate than it would have been before 1914; the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, for which he blamed the Jews, added a new dimension to the desirability of the move against Russia, while the replacement of Austria-Hungary by a group of new nations linked to France reinforced the need for the alliances with Italy and Britain. Furthermore, Hitler believed that the post-war situation had improved Germany’s prospects, in that France’s quasi-hegemonic position in post-war Europe would make Italy and Britain more sympathetic to an alliance with Germany.

在Mein Kampf一书中，希特勒将1918年后的德国外交形势与1914年前的作了比较，认为两者在很多方面存在相似之处：同法国之间仍存在不可调和的矛盾；俄国仍是它的“生存空间”，而意大利和英国仍是其合意的盟国。此外，他的政策比1914年前更加适合了。他指责犹太人发起的恶果是余额革命，这使得他更加强烈的希望发起一场反俄运动；同时，附属于法国的几个新的国家取代奥匈帝国更增强了他与意大利、英国结盟的愿望。不仅如此，希特勒还相信，战后的形势有利于德国的发展壮大，因为在战后的欧洲，法国的准霸权地位将促成意大利和英国与德国结盟。

In the Second Book he reinforced these arguments by pointing out that Italy’s need for space because of its lack of natural resources did not conflict with German interests, whereas it did with those of France. For “what the Mediterranean Sea is for Italy the eastern shore of the Baltic is for Germany”. Thus, South Tyrol must be sacrificed for an alliance with Italy against France, whose defeat would open the way to living space in the East. At the same time, he argued that the appeal of a German alliance to Britain would be reinforced by the threat posed by the recent rise of the United States. And, apart from its importance as a confirmation of the consistency of Hitler’s basic views and objectives, it is in these two areas - Hitler’s views on the United States and on Germany’s relations with Britain - that the main significance of his Second Book lies.

在Second Book一书中，他强调了这些观点，并指出，意大利需要“空间”，因为它缺乏自然资源，这一形势虽与法国的利益冲突，但与德国的利益并不矛盾。两者风马牛不相及，就好像“地中海属于意大利而波罗的海东岸属于德国”。因而，为了寻求意大利的帮助来对抗法国，牺牲南蒂罗尔是值得的。因为法国如果摆了，德国和意大利将打开一条通往东方的道路，获得更大的“生存空间”。同时，他也论述了近来美国的崛起将形成不小的威胁，从而促成英国与德国的结盟。这本书的重要性不仅在于它证实了希特勒的政治观点的一贯性，更重要的在于它展示了希特勒对美国的认识以及对德英关系的见解。

In Mein Kampf Hitler had described the US as a “giant state” and saw its rise as a threat to Britain. Now, in the Second Book, he claimed that “with the American Union a new power factor has emerged on a scale that threatens to nullify all the previous state power relationships and hierarchies”. Arguing that emigration had represented a form of selection of the fittest, Hitler claimed that this “menacing American hegemonic position” was “determined primarily by the quality of the American people and only secondarily by its Lebensraum”. This view of the American people from 1928 was very different from Hitler’s opinion on January 7, 1942, when he told his entourage: “I don’t see much future for the Americans. In my view it’s a decayed country . . . everything about the behaviour of American society reveals that it’s half judaized and the other half negrified”.

在《我的奋斗》一书中，希特勒将美国描述成一个“巨人般的国家”，认为它的出现并壮大将会对英国造成威胁，而现在，在Second Book一书中，他宣称，“随着美国的出现，一个新的权力因子出现了。在某种程度上，它将使以前所建立起来的各国家间的权力关系及结构层次系统毁灭。”他提到，这个移民国家代表了一种“最佳的选择形式”；认为这个“极具威胁性的美国霸权”的形成主要是由美国人的“质量”决定的，其次才由它的“生存空间”决定。他在1928年对美国人民的看法与1942年1月7日他通其随从的谈话中所反映的观点大相径庭，他说：“美国社会的一切行为揭示了他的半犹太化及另一半的negrified”.

Hitler then addressed the question of how the threat of the United States’ “menacing hegemonic position” could be met. He poured scorn on the attempt by the founder of the Pan European Union, the Austrian Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, to create a united Europe “through a purely formal union of European peoples”. Since the US’s position was determined primarily by the quality of its people, it could not be seriously challenged by “a pacifist, democratic, pan European muddled state”. Such a union would lead to “an entity whose entire strength and energy would be absorbed by internal rivalries”, like the German Confederation of 1815-66. Hitler claimed that lasting unions could only occur when the nations involved were of equal racial quality and related, and when the union took the form of a slow struggle for hegemony with one state emerging as dominant, as occurred with Prussia in Germany. This would take centuries and lead to a very different union to that envisaged by the Pan European Union. Moreover, the final achievement “would signify the racial decline of its founders”, presumably as a result of racial mixing. Instead of such a “utopia”, Hitler argued that the only state that would “be able to stand up to North America” would be the one that had managed “to raise the racial value of its people”. He then asserted that it was “the duty of the National Socialist movement to strengthen and prepare our own fatherland to the greatest degree possible for this task”, his first mention of the United States as a future opponent.

不久，他在一次演说中谈到美国的“威胁性霸主地位”，他对试图建立的欧洲联盟极为不屑，对其创办者试图通过由纯粹的欧洲人形成的刻板的联盟不以为然。因为美国的世界霸主地位主要是由美国人的素质决定的，而一个由“热爱和平和民主的欧洲国家混合而成的联盟”不可能对其造成大的威胁。这样的一个联盟，它的能量最终必将被其内部的竞争消耗殆尽，就像1815-1866年间的德意志联邦一样。希特勒认为，一个生命力长久的联邦只有当其各成员国、民族具有相同的种族，且在该联邦内经过缓慢的斗争，最终出现一个居于统治地位的国家（就像德意志联邦的普鲁士一样）时，这个联邦才能存在。这一过程需要数个世纪，并将形成一个与泛欧盟迥异的联邦，而最终的成功必会导致该创始者种族的倒退，结果很可能使人种的杂合。但希特勒认为，足以与北美相抗衡的不会是这样一个“乌托邦”，而是一个成功提高了该国人民种族价值的国家。不久他便断言这是民族社会主义运动的责任，这是他第一次把美国作为德国未来的对手提出。