经济学人:美国中期选举(3)

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Just as American politics did not sour overnight, so the route forward is by many small steps, beginning with next week's elections. 正如美国政治不会在一夜之间恶化，前进的道路也需要很多步，最开始是下周的选举。

And the first of those steps is for the House, at a minimum, to switch to Democratic control. 第一步至少是让众议院转为民主党控制。

This matters because Mr Trump¹ should be subject to congressional oversight². 这很重要，因为特朗普会受到国会的约束。

He shows contempt for the norms that, to varying degrees, constrained³ past presidents— 他对过去在不同程度上限制总统的准则心怀蔑视——

whether by refusing to release his tax returns, mixing official and private business, or bullying⁴ officials working in, say, the justice department who should be independent. 无论是拒绝公布报税表，还是将政府和私营企业混在一起，或是欺负在本应独立的司法部工作的官员，都体现了这一点。

Congress should hold hearings to investigate such behaviour. 国会应举行听证会，调查此类行为。

But House Republicans have repeatedly failed to do this, neglecting their constitutional responsibility. 但众议院的共和党人一再未能做成，忽视了他们的宪法责任。

Faced with the judgment⁵ of the intelligence services that Russia intervened in the presidential election, for instance, they subpoenaed⁶ the officials overseeing the investigation⁷ so as to make their work harder. 例如，面对情报部门俄罗斯干预总统选举的判决，他们传唤负责调查的官员，加大了调查的难度。

Their abdication⁸ of responsibility means that a continued Republican majority in the House would eventually imperil the rule of law. 共和党人不负责任，这意味着如果共和党在众议院继续占多数，最终将危及法治。

For Democrats⁹ to win control of the House would, in the long run, benefit both parties. 从长远来看，民主党赢得众议院控制权对两党都有利。

Defeat would encourage some Republicans to start putting forward a conservative alternative to Trumpism. 失败会鼓励一些共和党人开始提出一个替代特朗普主义的保守派方案。

Defeat in the Senate, too, would turbo-charge that effort, though it looks unlikely. 参议院的失败也会加速这一可能，尽管可能性不大。

The status quo, by contrast, would cement Mr Trump's takeover of the party. 与之相比，现状会巩固特朗普对共和党的掌控。

The calculation for the Democrats rests on the danger of defeat. 民主党因为失败的风险不得不深思熟虑。

Even now, they are in the midst of an argument between the centre and the radical¹⁰ wing of the party. 即使现在，他们也在党内的中间派和激进派之间争论不休。

Another loss could send them careering leftward. 再次失利将会让他们政治左倾。

If the Democrats once again won a majority of votes but ended up with only a minority of seats, the party could be tempted¹¹ to build a platform on norm-busting policies, like expanding the size of the Supreme¹² Court or impeaching¹³ justices. 民主党如果再次赢得多数选票，却获得少数席位，可能会试图建立一个打破常规政策的平台，比如扩大最高法院的规模或弹劾大法官。

By contrast, a House takeover would embolden¹⁴ the party's moderates. 相比之下，接管众议院将使民主党的温和派更有信心。

Nor has divided government always led to gridlock. 分裂的政府也不总是导致僵局。

Even now the president and congressional Democrats agree on some things, such as building infrastructure¹⁵, confronting China and fighting the opioid epidemic¹⁶. 即使是现在，特朗普和民主党国会议员也在某些方面达成一致，例如基础设施建设、与中国形成对峙局面以及打击类鸦片药物泛滥。

Let them fight over everything else, but put aside their mutual¹⁷ contempt in pursuit of policies for which they can both claim credit. 他们可以在其他问题上争论不休，但抛开彼此的蔑视，还是会追求双方都能居功的政策。

A single example might show there can be value and dignity in compromise. 单是一个例子或许就可以说明，妥协是有价值和尊严的。

America will not mend its politics in a single election. 美国将不会单在一次选举中就修正其政治。

At a minimum, progress will take more votes, a renewal¹⁸ of the Republican Party and a different president with a different moral compass. 至少，进步需要更多的选票，需要共和党的复兴，需要一个道德指针与现在不同的总统。

But the right result next week could point the way. 但只有下周中期选举有了正确的结果才能指明方向。

 

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